The specter of communal violence in Haryana’s Nuh has vanished, leaving authorities chasing its wake, looking for culprits to blame. More than 250 individuals have been arrested or detained since Monday, and 93 FIRs have been registered across five districts.
Various police personnel and Home Guards, entrusted with maintaining law and order, were caught in the fray during the riots. Tragically, two lost their lives. The unrest rapidly spread to Delhi’s outskirts, prompting a curfew in parts of Gurugram and a temporary suspension of internet services. Thousands of paramilitary jawans were deployed to prevent the violence from escalating. Miscreants set a mosque ablaze, claiming the life of a young 19-year-old Imam. In addition, angry mobs destroyed several shops and small eateries in Delhi’s twin city. Currently, an IRB battalion is maintaining control in Nuh, and discussions are underway to establish a Rapid Action Force (RAF) center in the Mewat region.
However, these efforts resemble trying to dig a well after a house has already caught fire. The savagery witnessed in Nuh was hardly unexpected. The magnitude of the violence, the strategic placement of stones on rooftops, and the display of lethal weapons all suggest premeditated orchestration. The Haryana government has indicated a potentially well-planned conspiracy behind the riots. But the question remains: why did intelligence agencies fail to anticipate the situation? Social media videos show participants of the Brajmandal Jalabhishek Yatra openly flaunting weapons during the procession. Did the local administration turn a blind eye, or were they simply oblivious to the impending danger?
The list of unresolved questions is extensive. The state government maintains that it’s not feasible to safeguard each individual in a state where roughly 60,000 police officers serve an estimated population of 2.7 crores. In simpler terms, there is an average of one police officer for every 450 individuals. According to the India Justice Report, an acceptable national ratio is 195 police officers for every 100,000 citizens, which equates to one officer for every 512 citizens. However, the actual figure stands at just 156 police officers per 100,000 people, or one officer for every 641 citizens on average.
While the officer-to-citizen ratio may not align with the Chief Minister’s preferences, it still exceeds the national average. Moreover, the issue isn’t merely about the numerical strength of law enforcement – the authority and influence of the state government itself are under scrutiny. The stronger the government’s authority, the greater the public’s trust in the system. Regrettably, the state administration was found severely wanting in this respect during the chaos in Nuh. What were the local police doing for a substantial six hours while mobs exchanged fire, over 150 vehicles were incinerated, and six lives were tragically lost? This question demands an answer, particularly in light of the claim that 900 police officers were deployed for the yatra. Eyewitness accounts report that fewer than ten officers were present at the gate of the Nalhareshwar Mahadev Temple in Nalhar, where around 4,000 individuals were stranded due to the riots. Why weren’t additional security measures implemented when incendiary messages were already circulating on social media prior to the commencement of the yatra?
The most pressing question is: could the riots have been prevented? The Muslim community blames a reportedly inflammatory video by local Bajrang Dal leader, Monu Manesar, as the catalyst for the violence. Manesar, a self-styled cow vigilante and an absconding murder suspect for the February deaths of two Muslim men, Nasir and Junaid, has been the focus of attention. Provocative messages, intending to disrupt the yatra, were reportedly circulated in response to Monu’s video, which insisted on his participation in the procession. Media reports suggest that Monu and his associates, heeding the advice of the organizer, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), canceled their plans to join the yatra. However, the damage may have already been done, as rumors of Monu Manesar’s presence during the yatra spread through social media.
In the meantime, an old statement by local Congress leader Mamman Khan, which has resurfaced, seems to have added fuel to the fire. Addressing a Haryana Assembly session on February 22, Khan, an MLA from Nuh’s Firozpur Jhirka seat, vowed to take matters into his own hands against Monu Manesar and his accomplice, Bittu Bajrangi, if the police failed to do so. A similar pattern was observed during the Delhi riots two years ago, when such provocative statements eventually led to carefully orchestrated chaos on the streets. The riots in Nuh might have been avoided if Mamman Khan’s statement had been taken seriously by the government or the Assembly Speaker. This situation brings the state government’s inaction into sharper focus.
The matter has now escalated to the Supreme Court, which has issued an order for heightened security measures in sensitive areas and strict action against hate speeches. The intervention from the Apex Court is indeed praiseworthy, as it is frequently incendiary speeches that ignite the flame of riots. While politicians and other entities with vested interests reap the benefits, the consequences are borne by the unsuspecting public. The violence in Nuh is no exception. It hasn’t advantaged any community, and it has only deepened the chasm of distrust between Hindus and Muslims. This is especially unfortunate in Haryana, a region with a long-standing history of communal harmony.
“Sarvadharma Sambhav,” the principle of viewing all religions as equal, has consistently been a way of life in India. Our society has always rejected divisive forces. In fact, the nation has continually emerged stronger from all significant communal riots, including those in 1947. One can only hope that this resilience will again manifest in Nuh, and that the Haryana government will be able to deliver speedy justice to the victims.
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